|
RUSSIAN CONTROL OVER ENERGY RAISES QUESTIONS ABOUT GEORGIA'S DIRECTION-- EXPERTS
Eric A. Miller
10/28/03
Georgia watchers in Washington have worried in recent weeks about the
chances for free and fair parliamentary elections in the country on
November 2. Of equal concern to some are recent developments in
Georgia's energy sector. In what has been described as a "one-two
punch," two Russian energy giants have acquired a dominate position in
the Georgian market. A recent panel discussion met in Washington to
examine the implication of these moves.
Participants at the October 15 roundtable, titled Georgia Energy
Security: Potential or Peril, urged Georgian officials to take
discernible control over how its citizens obtain and pay for electricity
and heat. The event was sponsored by the Georgia Forum, a Washington,
DC-based organization dedicated to supporting Georgia's political and
economic development, as well as to promoting stronger US-Georgian
relations. A co-sponsor was the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute at Johns
Hopkins University.
The panelists -- Zeyno Baran, Director of the International Security and
Energy Program at the Nixon Center, Fiona Hill and Mamuka Tsereteli,
executive director of the America-Georgia Business Council, all
advocated international activism on Georgian energy issues.
Through deals made this summer, Russia's electricity monopoly RAO
Unified Energy System (UES) gained control over roughly 75 percent of
Georgia's power grid. In May, Gazprom, Russia's natural-gas behemoth,
entered the Georgian market via a handshake deal.
[
For background, see
the Eurasia Insight archives.]
Panelists saw Russian geopolitical gamesmanship in these deals.
Each panelist asserted that the Russian companies -- which
have close ties to government, or are partly state-owned --
are intent on making Tbilisi more economically dependent on
Moscow. [For
background see Eurasia Insight archive]. Hill said: "It
is an understatement to say that Russian energy and state
interests overlap."
Baran suggested that the US preoccupation with larger geopolitical
questions enabled the UES and Gazprom deals. "The United States is
willing to turn a blind eye to these developments in the Georgian energy
market because Washington is focused on larger issues such as
[dismantling] weapons of mass destruction and dealing with the
[so-called] Axis of Evil," Baran said.
The Bush administration likewise appears reluctant to openly confront
Russia at this time, in part because Washington feels it may need
Moscow's help in dealing with Iran and North Korea on the nuclear
proliferation question, as well as on the reconstruction of Iraq.
Accordingly, said Baran, Russia is acting as though it can dictate the
terms of Georgia's energy-sector development.
Hill characterized the recent deals in Georgia, Armenia, and elsewhere
as a "re-penetration of old markets and not a penetration of new ones."
By forgiving former republics' debt in exchange for big stakes in state
enterprises or capital assets, especially those in critical sectors like
energy, Russia seeks to make itself politically and economically
indispensable. Hill noted that Anatoly Chubais, chairman of UES and a
senior official in former president Boris Yeltsin's cabinet, has been a
leading advocate of using Russia's economic leverage to expand political
power. She cited a September 17 speech in which Chubais, describing the
company's focus on vulnerable markets throughout the Commonwealth of
Independent States, called it a "springboard for expansion elsewhere."
But panelists also laid blame at Georgia's doorstep. They agreed that if
Georgia's energy sector were less corrupt and more modern, it would not
have become such an easy target for Russian takeover. "The energy sector
is the most corrupt sector in Georgia and has been for ten years," noted
Tsereteli. Other panelists cast Georgia's energy sector in a broader
context. Hill agreed that those in the energy sector are the "worst
offenders," but noted undoing the Soviet legacy in 10 years is an
"unrealistic expectation."
Panelists also focused on the quality of Georgian management. "Where
there is strong management, especially on the Georgian side, companies
have been most successful. But when management talent is lacking,
companies are prone to failure," said Tsereteli. But, Tsereteli
insisted, management must be both competent and appreciably local. In
this context, AES, the American firm that sold its energy stake to
Chubais' UES, failed in part because it "failed to put a Georgian face
on the company, and was always seen as a US company," Tsereteli said.
Panelists held out little hope that the UES and Gazprom deals might
create more open or sound energy-sector companies. Instead, they focused
on projects with American or British sponsors that could stoke outside
investment in Georgian energy projects. These included the
Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) oil pipeline and the Shah Deniz gas pipeline.
[
For background see the Eurasia Insight archive].
Baran argued that BTC, which has required cooperation among Azerbaijan,
Georgia, and Turkey, is capable of opening new markets for Georgia,
potentially lowering the amount of economic pressure that Russia can
exert on Tbilisi. "The East-West energy corridor helps Georgia diversify
its energy imports, and may have the added benefit of increasing its
independence, development, and security," she said.
The Shah Deniz project, slated for completion in 2006, is equally vital
to Georgia's energy future. According to Tsereteli, Georgia would
receive 5 percent of the gas transported across its territory to Turkey
as payment in kind. Once the pipeline is fully operational, Georgia
would also enjoy the right to buy an additional 500 million cubic meters
per year at a fixed price of $55 per thousand cubic. However, in the
short term, shipments from the pipeline will be smaller than what
Georgia demands, meaning natural gas for the country will come
overwhelmingly from Russian sources.
That, in turn, may give Russian companies the chance to wrest greater
control over Georgia's energy sector. As Tsereteli sees it, corruption
and mismanagement have fostered a sense of "donor fatigue" among Western
governments and investors. If the November 2 elections are marred by
fraud, Western interest in Georgia's energy sector could dwindle.
Editor's Note: Eric A. Miller, Ph.D., is an Analyst
at the National Institute for Public Policy in Fairfax, Virginia
and Managing Editor of the journal, Comparative Strategy.

Email this article | Printer-Friendly Version
Posted October 28, 2003
© Eurasianet
http://www.eurasianet.org
 |
 |
The Central Eurasia Project aims, through its website,
meetings, papers, and grants, to foster a more informed
debate about the social, political and economic developments
of the Caucasus and Central Asia. It is a program of the
Open Society Institute-New York. The Open Society Institute-New
York is a private operating and grantmaking foundation
that promotes the development of open societies around
the world by supporting educational, social, and legal
reform, and by encouraging alternative approaches to complex
and controversial issues.
The views expressed in this publication do not necessarily
represent the position of the Open Society Institute and
are the sole responsibility of the author or authors.
|
 |
 |
|