This story has been updated to reflect Pashinyan’s meeting with US Vice President JD Vance.

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan is making an extended visit to Washington hoping to solidify his country’s image as Eurasia’s new democratization darling in the eyes of the West. It is uncertain, however, whether his message is resonating with the Trump administration.

Pashinyan’s government over the past 18 months has broken with Russia and moved to boost cooperation with the United States and the European Union. In comments made during an appearance at the Atlantic Council on February 4, the Armenian Prime Minister voiced an intent to double down on his embrace of the West, expounding on the necessity of building a Western-style democracy in Armenia.

Describing Armenia presently as a “striving democracy,” Pashinyan said developing a full-blown democratic system, featuring “protection of human rights” and an “independent judiciary” offered the best means for stabilizing the country following its decisive defeat at the hands of Azerbaijan in the Second Karabakh War. 

“We want [Armenia citizens] to feel that democracy is truly a factor that is capable of ensuring security, prosperity, more and more opportunities for all citizens and all people living in Armenia,” Pashinyan stated. “We hope that as a result of these reforms, Armenia will become a more attractive country for investing, living, visiting.”

Later, he emphasized that for Armenia’s democratization experiment to be successful, the country needed peace – not only with Azerbaijan, but also Turkey, another historical enemy.

“It is obviously impossible to have real and growing independence, prosperity and security without peace,” Pashinyan added, adding that “we cannot have democracy in an environment of war.”

It is clear that Pashinyan’s message is designed to entice the United States into providing robust assistance. He is trying to seize what he perceives as an opportunity for Armenia to replace Georgia – the leaders of which have spurned Western values and moved in an authoritarian direction – as the Caucasus’ most favored nation for democratization help. 

Under most circumstances, Pashinyan’s pitch would be music to the ears of Washington policymakers. But what may have been a sure thing even in the very recent past is anything but in the early days of the second Trump administration. Under the new normal in Washington, Pashinyan’s beat does not seem to be keeping time with the metronome of current affairs.

The foundation of Pashinyan’s democratization blueprint is a peace deal with Azerbaijan. Talks are presently at a standstill, but the prime minister emphasized that 15 of 17 articles of the draft peace treaty are already finalized, and agreement on the outstanding points just requires “political will.” 

While Armenia and Azerbaijan remain intent on settling their differences bilaterally without mediation, Pashinyan stressed that “the attention and support of the international community would be very useful in creating a proper environment for achieving sustainable peace.” He went on to describe peace in the South Caucasus as “low-hanging fruit” for the West.

It is far from certain that the Trump administration will heed Pashinyan’s appeal for the kind of diplomatic attention that can help push the peace deal past the finish line. And as for the broader topic of democratization aid, the administration’s efforts to overhaul USAID suggest the United States will not be a strong contributor in building out Pashinyan’s rule-of-law vision, at least over the medium-term.

Pashinyan ended up gaining a meeting with Vice President JD Vance at the White House. A statement issued by the prime minister’s office on February 7, contained little information other than a photo of Pashinyan and Vance together. The two discussed “issues related to Armenia-US bilateral relations, as well as the regional agenda,” according to the two-line statement, which gave no time or day of the meeting. Pashinyan’s other only other public contact with decision-makers was a meeting with a congressional delegation on Capitol Hill.

The administration’s uncertain stance is just part of the challenge Pashinyan is confronting in Washington. His “peace agenda” is facing stiff opposition domestically and among Diaspora Armenians.

A key element of Pashinyan’s plan to normalize relations with Azerbaijan and Turkey involves drawing a line on the past and focusing on the future, or as he put it, “to open a new era with a new, empty and clear page.” But he is finding that the notion of de-prioritizing historical grievances associated with the 1915 Armenian genocide at the hands of the Turks, or war crimes committed by Azerbaijani forces in Karabakh, or the very loss of Karabakh itself, is abhorrent to many Armenians, at home and abroad.

A scathing statement issued by the Armenian Revolutionary Federation, a leading Diaspora group, called on Diaspora members to boycott his public events in Washington, so as not to serve as “stage props, and to normalize his shameful surrender of Armenian lives and land, democracy and dignity.”

The statement castigated Pashinyan for downplaying “the Armenian Genocide – aligning himself with [Turkish leader Recep Tayyip] Erdogan’s denial of this crime.” It similarly assailed the prime minister for betraying the interests of Artsakh, the Armenian term for Karabakh.

At his Atlantic Council appearance, Pashinyan said “a mission for our government” is getting Armenians to move on from what he described as a “victim mentality.” It seems that the extent to which Pashinyan’s government succeeds in this mission will determine whether the rest his democratization vision can be fulfilled.