Civil society developments in Turkmenistan prior to 2002 did not receive much international scrutiny. People discussing the maturity of developing nations' civil institutions called Turkmenistan "problematic" or avoided mentioning it. Policy advocates attached primary importance to issues of repression involving the regime's political opponents, and very rarely discussed unrelated civil issues. Meanwhile, Turkmenistan showcased what looked like a diverse range of civil initiatives, with the government insisting that groups in the country demonstrated all possible forms of social expression. These were government creations, descended from Soviet times with details unique to Niyazov's personality cult.

The Union of Women of Turkmenistan is named for Niyazov's mother, the Union of Veterans for his father. The Youth Union of Turkmenistan is a subdivision of the country's one acknowledged political party. The Union of Journalists added the party's name to its own and publishes an Internet newspaper called "The Golden Age of Turkmenistan." And all these organizations together are united into the Movement "Galkynysh" ("Renaissance"). Before 2002, the government used these organizations for concerts and demonstrations. In the spring of that year, the government hinted at how these organizations can serve other purposes.

After the total cleansing of the Committee of National Security, fabricated bursts of "public" opinion supported the purge. The motto "Call people's enemies to responsibility!" heralded sanctioned meetings, and reports surfaced of "requests" for the harshest punishments to be used on the deposed officials. This was the first time that authorities cloaked their repression in "public" opinion. This tactic expanded dramatically after November 25.

The charade of "civil society" in the weeks after shots rang out in the capital made many people shudder. From the entire country, old people, children, students, cotton-makers, teachers, doctors, soldiers streamed into Ashgabat to show "support" for the president. They held a series of meetings; corridors of children, elderly people and regional representatives greeted Niyazov's motorcade to demand punishment for the "criminals." This propaganda campaign culminated in a "People's Council" dedicated to figuring out how the plotters got to the president. This "civil society" organization staged hours-long rallies involving posters, flags and provocative slogans. Members demanded the death penalty for "parricides," "defective Turkmen," "renegades" and "enemies of Turkmen people." This seemed like the end of civil society, when everyone in a country follows orders. It was not that simple.

After the first wave of hysteria and propaganda, authorities started searching for any supporter who could maintain common sense and think reasonably. But their options were limited: in the mid-1990s, various decrees had undone the Academy of Sciences, Medical Academy, the Union of Architects, the Union of Artists and similar groups. Only a handful of public-minded organizations remained. These organizations have different backgrounds. Some appeared during Perestroika in the 1980s, others grew out of the support of international organizations, but all tried to maintain independence from ideological and political propaganda. The authorities of Turkmenistan targeted these particular organizations for their next blow.

However, there was no quick resolution. Widespread international criticism led authorities to decrease pressure on apolitical groups. The arrest of environmental activist Farid Tuhbatulin and an attempt to connect him with the "conspirators" backfired. Many non-governmental organizations outside Turkmenistan called out the authorities for trying to abuse a person who had no political ambition and who suffered only because he participated in human rights conferences. This was the first time that the campaign of defending a public Turkmenistani activist reached such a broad, intense level.

All this campaign did, however, was stall the repression program. In talks with the Chairman of the Organization of Security and Cooperation in Europe, Niyazov personally promised to release Tuhbatulin, but the next day the latter was convicted. Further actions of the authorities were outrageous – they threatened Tuhbatulin and forced him to plead guilty and ask for pardon.

Since then, many members of non-governmental organizations have felt the unwelcome attention of the Committee of National Security, particularly immediately prior to visits from international delegations. Authorities detained one activist in his own house. Other activists received phone calls with threats and warnings prohibiting them from meeting with international agencies. In March, special services blocked the house of the director of non-governmental organization "Grazhdanskoe Sodejstvie" ("Civic Endowment"), Natalia Shabunets, a day before the Tuhbatulin trial. Similar things happened to other activists in May and July.

The OSCE Mission in Turkmenistan told EurasiaNet that a member of one of the non-governmental organizations mysteriously received a call during a meeting with Mr. Ahsissaari, the Special Representative of the Chairman of OSCE Mission in Central Asia. After each such meeting with the visiting mission, the Ministry of National Security calls many participants in for "interviews." These are really debriefings, and lead to intimidation. One of the participants said that he was threatened and forced to bring a dictaphone into the meeting room and record presentations made in the course if the meeting with an international delegation.

Authorities have also started the practice of "inspecting" non-governmental organizations. It is common knowledge that many interest groups have not been registered, and authorities historically did not bother enforcing registration requirements. This changed after late 2002. Authorities set out to find discrediting materials, usually related to financial violations. This had happened in the past – in 1999, activist Vechiaslav Medvedev was arrested after giving a 15-minute interview to Russian radio "Majak" and charged with a financial crime. A similar tactic shut down a group called Umyt, in Turkmenbashi (formerly Krasnovodsk). Now, though, the search for incriminating data became wider and more ruthless. Niyazov's agents became active in drafting a new law regulating activities of non-governmental organizations. Though such laws theoretically exist to prepare a state for scrutiny from international bodies, this law was drafted secretly and independent experts got hold of the draft absolutely by chance. These experts reported that the law violates several international standards. However, authorities of Turkmenistan ignored criticism. Niyazov signed the law on October 21, 2003.

Even before it came into force, the Ministry of Fairness (formerly Ministry of Justice) had prepared suits against numerous small organizations. In Seidi, members of women's and environmental groups were forced to choose between suspending public activity and working for the government. A children's group, whose members are school teachers, had to stop helping troubled teenagers after the organization was inspected by the Ministry of Justice. Organization staffers often hear that the government will shut down their operation. Unfortunately, international organizations and diplomatic missions accredited in Turkmenistan pay very little attention to this process.

The protection of non-governmental organizations does not by itself safeguard a civil society. But in Turkmenistan, where free scholarship and expression have not existed for years, such groups are the last bastion of independent thought. Their end would thus damage political activity, human rights and public welfare at a new level.

Civil-society advocates must understand how sharply life in Turkmenistan has deteriorated. During the Soviet era, there were active meetings among scientists, artists, and other intellectuals. Now, it is impossible to make a living in such pursuits. Many thinkers became traders in markets, and the groups that remain are purely cosmetic. Even groups with purely altruistic missions, aiming to help the poor or refugees or protect the natural environment, are a few bad breaks away from dissolution.

Turkmenistan is no longer just a country in which politicians cannot safely challenge the president. It is one where nobody can provide any civil or social service that the president has not commanded.