Eurasianet

The currency has risen close to 20 percent in recent months. Prices for imported goods, meanwhile, remain high due to worldwide inflationary pressures.

A new report argues that the environmental and human rights problems caused by the Amulsar gold mine development have yet to be addressed. But it appears to be going forward.

Starting in July, all major transactions will have to be made electronically. But some are skeptical of how it will all work.

The head of a body overseeing judges is heard being blackmailed to resign; he then was suspended and replaced with a loyalist to the prime minister.

Recent moves toward restoring relations with Armenia’s traditional enemies have run into strong resistance from the global diaspora. But will it make a difference?

The opposition has dismantled a tent camp they set up six weeks ago, after the protests against the government’s policy on Nagorno-Karabakh failed to gain traction.

Armenia’s small Jewish community has been bolstered by about 200 recent arrivals fleeing Russia because of the war in Ukraine.

The village of Aghavno is supposed to be ceded to Azerbaijan as soon as a new road bypassing it is finished. Many of its Armenian residents say they’re not leaving.

Russia had again been complaining about U.S.-funded labs in Armenia. Now Yerevan is cutting off some biosecurity cooperation with the Americans.

The last two meetings between the two countries’ leaders have been in Brussels. Moscow has noticed.

As a new border commission prepares to start work, it will have to reckon with persistent disagreements over what to do with a handful of quirks of Soviet border-drawing.

Supporters of a new bill say the country needs to strengthen civilian defense. But skeptics say it could lead to increased gun crimes.

It is a response to Azerbaijan’s earlier five-point proposal, but the secrecy around it has only increased suspicion among Armenians.

The dram has gained about 15 percent against the dollar in recent weeks, bolstered by an influx of Russians to Armenia and a move to buy gas in rubles rather than dollars.

Even as opposition mounts to the government’s negotiating strategy with Azerbaijan, it’s unclear whether the protest leaders can offer a credible alternative.

Remittances from migrants in Russia amount to about 5 percent of Armenia’s GDP. Sanctions are putting that at risk.

The central banks are discussing a ruble-dram exchange to facilitate the move from dollars.

The 2020 war, and now Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, have significantly shifted the landscape for the negotiations.

Armenia’s willingness to accept Azerbaijani control over Nagorno-Karabakh comes with an expectation that Baku will make reciprocal compromises. But there are little indications so far what those might be.

As the Armenian government moves toward significant concessions, some in Karabakh are exploring a radical solution: joining Russia.

They say that the parliament is standing aside while the executive branch unilaterally makes consequential decisions about the future of Nagorno-Karabakh.

Under EU mediation, the two countries agreed to start work on a peace agreement that could finally end their decades-long conflict.

Many Armenians fear that the government is preparing to cede control over Nagorno-Karabakh and are demanding that their prime minister renounce such a concession.

Yerevan in the post-Soviet era has had no viable alternative to a reliance on Moscow.

If Armenians stay in Karabakh under the Azerbaijani flag, it would represent an exception to the otherwise zero-sum game of territorial control in the region.